Q&A:
Wilbur Ross and the
Sago Mine Accident
Wilbur L. Ross has disavowed responsibility for the
January 2, 2006, mine accident at Sago, W.Va., that killed 12 miners,
the worst coal mining accident in the state since 1968. In fact, Ross,
former owner of Sparrows
Point through International Steel Group (ISG),
has been knee-deep in West Virginia coal mining since at least 1998 and
was closely involved in the financing and bankruptcy reorganization of
Sago Mine’s parent company, Anker Coal Group.
This Q and A, conducted with Paul Gallagher of Executive Intelligence
Review, offers a detailed picture of what is known about the financial
and operational relationship between Sago, Anker, International Coal
Group, and Ross. It is based on SEC 10-K disclosure records, stockholder
prospectuses, bankruptcy court information, and other data.
– Mark
Reutter
reuttermark@yahoo.com
posted 1/21/06

Click
for larger image
West
Virginia Atlas & Gazetteer |
| The
Sago Mine is located on the Buckhannon River in remote
Upshur County, W.Va. |
|
Gallagher: Twelve
miners died and one was critically injured in the January 2 explosion
at the Sago Mine of Anker West Virginia
Coal
in Upshur County, W.Va. Anker is owned by the International Coal Group
(ICG) of Wilbur L. Ross, a man in the middle of the “globalization” of
several U.S. industries. You’ve researched and written about Ross’ investments
and speculations in industry. What is his method? What is International
Coal Group, and what is Ross’ involvement in West Virginia coal
mining?
Reutter: Ross is a New York billionaire
who made his name by taking over bankrupt Bethlehem Steel, LTV, Weirton,
and several smaller companies
between 2002 and 2004, bundling them together, and selling them for an
11-fold profit to Mittal Steel Co., of Netherlands. For 26 years, he
was the executive managing director of Rothschild Inc., the U.S. affiliate
of the Rothschild family’s merchant banking group, before he formed
his own private company, WL Ross & Co., in 2000 to
rescue, in his words, industrial companies in trouble.
Since that time, he has formed International
Steel Group (ISG) to take
over bankrupt steel assets; International Textile Group (ITG) to take
over bankrupt textile companies; International Coal Group (ICG) to take
over a bankrupt coal company; and, most recently, International Auto
Components Group (IAC) to buy bankrupt or financially strapped auto-parts
companies.

Financial Times |
| Wilbur
Ross outside of his corporate offices at 52nd Street
and Lexington Avenue in Manhattan. |
|
Ross is the lead
investor, but builds up “spit” (investment capital)
by tapping into large investment pools, such as Franklin Mutual
Advisors run by money manager Michael F. Price; Paulson & Co.,
a hedge fund specializing in distressed companies; and even nonprofits
like the Howard Hughes Medical Institute located in suburban Washington.
He also works closely with international investment banks. Key allies
include UBS Securities, the Swiss banking firm, and Lehman Brothers.
The banks set up sizable revolving credit lines to help Ross buy these
companies out of bankruptcy, then the banks underwrite his IPOs (Initial
Public Offerings), profiting as Ross off-loads his holdings to the public
at a sizable mark-up.
Outside of these big ventures, Ross holds stakes in many individual companies.
One of his longest-held investments is Anker West Virginia Coal, owner
of the Sago Mine.
Gallagher: The
national media have generally reported that Ross’ ICG
took over Anker Coal sometime last year, usually citing November 18,
2005, only two months ago. What is the true story? Can you go through
a kind of chronology of Wilbur Ross’ investment and involvement
with Anker in particular, and with the Sago Mine?
Reutter: Ross
is playing a semantic game. While ICG officially took over the
Sago Mine on November 18, 2005, Ross has been active in Anker Coal
affairs for close to a decade, according to public disclosure records.
In 1998, Ross purchased $40.9 million of senior unsecured debt
in the Anker Coal
Group through Rothschild Recovery Fund, which he ran as its managing
director. Anker opened the Sago Mine in 1999 as
well as entered into a mining venture in Alabama that proved to
be financially disastrous. (There was an explosion in that mine
in December 1997 that
caused ruinous losses, although apparently no serious injuries.)
By September 1999, Anker couldn’t pay interest on its debt,
so in stepped Wilbur Ross.

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for larger image
International Coal Group |
| A
schematic diagram of the location where the 12 miners were trapped. |
|
Ross swapped
Anker notes for Anker stock in a “private restructuring,” meaning
there was no public disclosure to the Securities & Exchange
Commission. But the terms came out in newsletters that track
these things: The Rothschild
Recovery Fund received $800 principal amount of 14.25 percent
new secured notes for each $1,000 principal amount of 9.75
percent old unsecured notes exchanged, increasing annual debt
service charges by almost one-fifth. In addition, Rothschild
received warrants to purchase 20 percent
of Anker’s
common stock at the nominal exercise price of $0.01 per share.
Over the next
year, Rothschild Recovery Fund forked over some additional cash
and got more cheap Anker stock. By April 2001,
WL Ross & Co.
(successor to Rothschild Recovery) controlled 46.6
percent of Anker’s stock and Ross was sitting on the
board of directors. A year later, the board threw out the old
management and installed a “corporate
workout” specialist. Anker then entered into Chapter
11 bankruptcy. When it emerged in October
2003, many creditors were
wiped out, and Ross was de-facto boss. His right-hand lieutenant,
Wendy L.
Teramoto, was named chairman of Anker Coal. She also became
CEO of CoalQuest Development, an Anker subsidiary that is now
attempting
to license a
new mine in Taylor County near Grafton, W.Va. Sago Mine was
reopened – with an ambitious production ramp-up – by Anker
in early 2004.
Why is Ross so keen on Anker? Because Anker owns or controls 707 million
tons of bituminous coal and holds long-term
contracts with several major Eastern utilities. This potentially gives
Ross a monopoly on utility-grade steam coal, if only he can increase
production.
The price of high-Btu Appalachian coal at the mine mouth has risen to
$25-30 a ton and, including transport, now sells at $60-65 a ton to electric
utilities in the East. Today’s price is 69 percent higher than
in January 2004. But just as likely, Ross is aiming to stir up the waters
in Big Coal, then sell off Anker-ICG at a premium to a major player,
say to Consol
Energy or to one of the oil conglomerates.

New York Social Diary |
| Newlyweds
Hilary Geary and Wilbur Ross at the Wildlife Conservation
Society’s spring gala at Central Park Zoo last
May. |
|
Gallagher: Ross’ public comments have been that he never cuts corners
on safety. Appearing on the Neil Cavuto program on Fox News on January
5, Ross said: “We have never declined one penny’s worth of
requests from management for either P&L expenditure for safety expense
or for capital expenditure for safety purposes. And, in fact, International
Coal Group, on the 19th of September 2005, was awarded the ‘Sentinels
of Safety Award’ by the Mine Safety Health Administration of the
Department of Labor. That’s the most important award for safety
in the entire mining industry.” How do these statements
by Ross square with the safety record of the mines owned by
Anker and ICG?
Reutter: The Charleston
Gazette has been looking into the safety question in
detail. Its findings were summarized on January 14: “All
of International Coal Group Inc.’s underground mines
in West Virginia have accident rates that are worse than
the national average.” The
paper reported that the worst safety records were in Anker’s
underground mines, with the Stoney River Mine reporting a
nonfatal injury rate 4.3
times the national average, as compared to Sago Mine’s
injury rate of nearly three times the national average. Safety
at the
Sago Mine actually
deteriorated after June 2005, when ICG took over managerial
control of the property.
A key question for investigators to answer is whether ICG-Anker,
under pressure from its owner, ratcheted up production too
quickly at the
Sago Mine in 2005. It should be noted that Ben Hatfield,
president of ICG,
and other executives were offered stock and cash bonuses
in 2005 for achieving production and profit margins prescribed
by the
company’s
owner, Wilbur Ross. At the same time, Ross, Teramoto, and other WL Ross
principals shared $2 million last year by providing “management
and advisory” services to ICG.
Given the pressure to produce more coal in a rising market (ICG wanted
to double output at Sago in 2005), is the corporate culture at ICG conducive
to safety in any way other than lip service?
Gallagher: What characterizes the operation of the mines Wilbur Ross
has bought into? Reutter: All
of Ross’ mines are non-union, for one thing. Anker
has even experimented with the controversial practice of “contract
miners” for its deep mines. Under this system, a contractor
uses his own employees and supplies to mine the coal, earning
a fee for
each ton of clean coal mined. (Contract laborers were used
at the Sago Mine
until the contractor quit; the idea was proposed as a cost-cutting
measure by the New York investment bank Gordian Group.)

Mark Reutter |
| Unit
coal trains serving Sago and other Anker mines pass
through Grafton, W.Va., on their way to coal-fed
power plants in the Northeast. This photo was taken
during a snow squall in December 2001. |
Additionally,
because Ross’ companies have undergone bankruptcy,
previously guaranteed health benefits to retired miners
and their families were eliminated. In its 2005 prospectus
to stockholders, ICG practically
brags about its low labor costs. “We believe that
compared to other publicly traded U.S. coal producers we
have the lowest post-retirement
employee obligations,” the November 2005 prospectus
stated, and a “union-free” environment keeps
costs to the minimum.
What’s more, Ross’ mines work off of old coal reserves in
a district with a long history of mine
explosions and rapacious absentee owners, including the notorious
corporate raider Victor Posner,
who was a forerunner to Ross and his cohorts.
While Sago is a “new” (1999) mine, it is part of a field
once owned by Pittston Coal that includes many worked-out areas. Cave-ins
and roof collapses are a constant hazard. Sago also is a “gassy” mine
with large quantities of potentially explosive methane.
And, finally, remember that the miners are not only several
hundred
feet below
the surface, but they have to go long distances underground
to reach the
coal face.
The explosion that trapped the 12 men on January 2 came from a worked-out
section that had been sealed, perhaps improperly, in December 2005. The
seal was blown out by the explosion, trapping the men in a passageway
10,500 feet from the mine portal (meaning fresh air). As we know, all
but one of them died in that dark subterranean tomb from carbon monoxide
poisoning. Gallagher: What’s the background of WL Ross & Co.,
the investment company through which Ross bought into Anker?

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for larger image
New York Stock Exchange |
| Wilbur
Ross, with Hilary at his side, at the Nov. 21, 2005,
ceremony marking the start of public trading of International
Coal Group stock under the symbol “ICO.” |
|
Reutter: It
started as the Rothschild Recovery Fund in 1997 to invest
in distressed securities. In April 2000, Ross purchased the fund
from the Rothschild family, recruited the senior officers of his
former employer, and established WL Ross & Co. as a “boutique” private
equity investor looking for value among distressed companies.
He launched the Absolute Recovery Hedge Fund to purchase distressed
bonds and to “short” the
stock in companies that were in trouble. Typically, these
were companies either on the verge of collapse or in
Chapter 11
bankruptcy proceedings.
Starting with bankrupt LTV Steel in 2002, Ross arranged to buy companies
after a bankruptcy judge ruled that the companies did not have to honor
contracts that guaranteed health benefits to retirees (company pensions
were taken over by the quasi-public Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp.).
All this is perfectly legal under the U.S. Bankruptcy Code, but this
approach had never been followed with such blunt determination before.
Ross is a lone hunter seeking out big game – namely,
companies with huge cash flow, but also with high labor
costs that global
investors want lowered. Taking out such a target could
prove too visible for
the Rothschild family. Or for a Fortune 500 corporation.
(Think Enron, whose
financial manipulations were widely exposed at the time.)
Until recently, Ross was unknown outside of banking
circles, except for
his brief marriage to Betsy McCaughey while she was lieutenant
governor of New York State under Governor George Pataki.
Ross is soft-spoken,
articulate, witty. And he has impeccable credentials.
Let’s see:
B.A. from Yale (where he majored in English literature for awhile), M.B.A.
from Harvard, seats on prestigious boards, such as the Yale School of
Management. Just the kind of person who could announce to a gullible
media that he was “rescuing” a troubled company from liquidation
and “saving” American jobs, while his associates
are in the back room, knifing retiree benefits and slicing
and dicing
factory
jobs. Gallagher: Are there
parallels between Wilbur Ross’ operations
in the steel industry and in coal?
Reutter: Yes.
Pension stripping is the most obvious. In purchasing LTV, Beth Steel,
Weirton, and several smaller companies out of the bankruptcy – Ross
walked away from these companies’ previous
obligations. In all,
more than 150,000 retired steelworkers lost health-care benefits that
they earned in retirement as part of their deferred paychecks. Ross,
meanwhile, was in and out of the steel business in less than three years,
pocketing $267 million in personal profits through his sell-off to Mittal
Steel.
Ross used the same technique when he purchased bankrupt Horizon Natural
Resources, once a United Mine Workers (UMW) operator. The federal bankruptcy
judge in Kentucky ruled that Horizon did not have to pay health benefits
for retired miners that it had negotiated with the UMW. Thanks to that
decision, International Coal Group, which took over Horizon’s assets,
escaped from paying the “post-retirement employee obligations” to
4,000 retired and in many cases sick miners.
ICG also closed down UMW-represented mines when corporate ownership
passed from Horizon to the Ross entity in 2004. Dirty business in the
coal fields.
Gallagher: What’s Wilbur Ross’ involvement with Steve Miller,
the man who took over Delphi Automotive Corp. in July and took it into
bankruptcy three months later? Is Ross moving into the U.S. auto sector?
Reutter: Robert “Steve” Miller
was the restructuring expert who placed Bethlehem Steel into bankruptcy
in October 2001. That set
off a chain of events that led to the sale of the company to Ross’
International Steel Group (ISG) in May 2003. As CEO of the Bethlehem
estate, Miller petitioned the bankruptcy judge for permission to end
health benefits to retirees in a prearranged court filing with Ross.
In was a two-step legal dance: First Bethlehem, as debtor-in-possession,
was freed of its retiree obligations. Then Bethlehem’s assets
were sold to ISG, while the company itself was dissolved.
Last year, Miller returned from retirement to become chairman and CEO
of Delphi, the nation’s largest auto-parts maker. In October, he
placed Delphi into Chapter
11 bankruptcy. A month before the filing,
Ross announced that he had formed an investment fund to buy and “globally
consolidate” auto-parts makers. Ross expressed interest in buying
Delphi if the company succeeded in lowering its labor costs.
In the spirit of “if once you succeed…,” Ross and Miller
are repeating their playbook from Beth Steel. Once again, they are cloaking
their activities with pronouncements about the pressures of globalization
on U.S. companies. And once again, they are banking on working families
to sacrifice their future incomes and benefits in order to “rescue” another
American industry from purported ruin. Much of their p.r. is consequently
aimed at the media, spinning this story about the waste and inefficiency
of union contracts.
Let’s hope that the shock from the Sago mine disaster – including
Ross’ effort to downplay his ownership of the mine and Ben Hatfield’s
inept rescue attempt -– results in a closer look at both Ross and
his bank and hedge-fund enablers. |